Link to Online Textbook Link to the Boisterous Sea of Liberty Link to Historic Court Cases Link to Historic Newspapers Link to Landmark Documents Link to Classroom Handouts Link to Lesson Plans Link to Resource Guides ink to E-lectures Link to Film Trailers Link to Flash Movies Link to Multimedia Exhibits Link to Ethnic America Link to Materials for Teachers Link to eXplorations Link to Learning Modules Link to Interactive Timeline Link to Games Database Link to A House Divided Link to America's Reconstruction Link to Virtual Exhibitions Link to Current Controversies Link to Ethnic America Link to Film and History Link to Historiography Link to Private Life Link to Science and Technology Link to the Reference Room Link to Writing Guides Link to Biographies Link to Book Talks Link to Chronologies Link to the Encyclopedia Link to Glossaries Link to the History Profession Link to Historical Images Link to Historical Maps Link to eXplorations Link to Do History through... Link to Multimedia Link to Historical Music Link to Museums & Archives Link to Historic Music Link to Historic Speeches Link to Historical Websites Link to Social History section

 

Back to The History of American Film: Primary Sources

Fighting a Vicious Film: Protest against "The Birth of a Nation"

Boston Branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, 1915

Few films ever aroused as much controversy as D.W. Griffith's Birth of a Nation. Critics denounced it as a gross distortion of American history that promoted racial strife. The following two selections offer examples of the kinds of arguments raised against Griffith's epic.

In its advertisement we are told that The Birth of a Nation is founded on Thomas Dixon's novel The Clansman; that it is a war play "that worked the audience up into a frenzy"; that "it will make you hate."

In an interview with a Boston editor, Thomas Dixon said, "that one purpose of his play was to create a feeling of abhorrence in which people, especially white women, against colored men"; "that he wished to have Negroes removed from the United States and that he hopes to help in the accomplishment of that purpose by The Birth of a Nation."

In further these purposes the producers of the film to not hesitate to resort to the meanest vilification of the Negro race, to pervert history, and to use the most subtle form of untruth--a half truth.

Well knowing that such a play would meet strong opposition in Boston, large sums of money were spent in the employment of Pinkerton detectives and policemen to intimidate citizens, and the managers of the theatre refused to sell tickets to colored people. To soften opposition, the impression was given that the president of the United States had endorsed the play and that George Foster Peabody and other distinguished people favored it. One method of working up support was to pass cards among the auditors asking them to endorse the play. These cards were circulated, signed and collected at the end of the first act and before the second act in which appear the foul and loathsoe misrepresentations of colored people and the glorification of the hideous and murderous band of the Ku Klux Klan....

Analysis by Francis Hackett

If history bore no relation to life, this motion picture could well be reviewed and applauded as a spectacle. As a spectacle it is stupendous. It lasts three hours, represents a staggering investment of time and money, reproduces entire battle scens and complex historic events; amazes even when it wearies by its attempt to encompass the Civil War. But since history does bear on social behavior, The Birth of a Nation cannot be reviewed simply as a spectacle. It is more than a spectacle. It is an interpretation, the Rev. Thomas Dixon's interpretation, of the relations of the North and South and their bearing on the Negro....

In The Birth of a Nation Mr. Dixon protests sanctimoniously that his drama "is not meant to reflect in any way on any race or people of today." And then he proceeds to give to the Negro a kind of malignity that is really a revelation of his own malignity.

Passing over the initial gibe at the Negro's smell, we early come to a negrophile senator whose mistress is a mulatto. As conceived by Mr. Dixon and as acted in the film, this mulatto is not only a minister to the senator's lust but a woman of inordinate passion, pride and savagery. Gloating as she does over the promise of "Negro equality," she is soon partnered by a male mulatto of similar brute characteristics. Having established this triple alliance between the "uncrowned king," his diabolic colored mistress and his diabolic colored ally, Mr. Dixon shows the revolting processes by which the white South is crushed "under the heel of the black South." "Sowing the wind," he calls it. On the one hand we have "the poor bruised heart" of the white South, on the other " the new citizens inflamed by the growing sense of power." We see Negroes shoving white men off the sidewalk, Negroes quitting work to dance, Negroes beating a crippled old white patriarch, Negroes slinging up "faithful colored servants" and flogging them till they drop, Negro courtesans guzzling champagne with the would-be head of the Black Empire, Negroes "drunk with wine and power," Negroes mocking their white master in chains, Negroes "crazy with joy" and terrorizing all the whites in South Carolina. We see blacks flaunting placards demanding "equal marriage." We see the black leading demanding a "forced marriage" with an imprisoned and gagged white girl. And we see continually in the background the white Southerner in "agony of soul over the degradation and ruin of his people."

Encouraged by the black leader, we see Gus the renegade hover about another young white girl's home. To hoochy-coochy music we see the long pursuit of the innocent white girl by this lust-maddened Negro, and we see her fling herself to death from a precipice, carrying her honor through "the opal gates of death."

Having painted this insanely apprehensive picture of an unbridled, bestial, horrible race, relieved only by a few touches of low comedy, "the grim reaping begins." We see the operations of the Ku Klux Klan, "the organization that saved the South from the anarchy of black rule." We see Federals and Confederates uniting in a Holy War "in defense of their Aryan birthright," whatever that is. We see the Negroes driven back, beaten, killed. The drama winds up with a suggestion of Lincoln's solution"--back to Liberia--and then, if you please, with a film representing Jesus Christ in "the halls of brotherly love."

My objection to this drama is based partly on the tendency of the pictures but mainly on the animus of the printed lines I have quoted. The effect of these lines, reinforced by adroit quotations from Woodrow Wilson and repeated assurances of impartiality and goodwill, is to arouse in the audience a strong sense of the evil possibilities of the Negro and the extreme propriety and godliness of the Ku Klux Klan. So strong is this impression that the audience invariably applauds the refusal of the white hero to shake hands with a Negro, and under the circumstances cannot be blamed. Mr. Dixon has identified the Negro with cruelty, superstition, insolence, and lust....

Whatever happened during Reconstruction, this film is aggressively vicious and defamatory. It is spiritual assassination. It degrades the censors that passed it and the white race that endures it.

 


 

This site was updated on 24-Jul-14.

Link to Ask the Hyperhistorian Link to Send Us Comments Link to Search & Site Map